पर बात केवल नम्बर तक सीमित नहीं हो सकती। सवाल है कि नम्बर नहीं तो क्या? लोकतंत्र के बरक्स तानाशाही है जो अल्पसंख्यावाद की सबसे बेहतरीन प्रतीक है। फिर अल्पसंख्यकों की परिभाषा करना बड़ा मुश्किल है। एक बात यह भी कही गई कि जब नरेंद्र मोदी की सरकार आई तभी बहुसंख्यक की तानाशाही पर नज़र क्यों पड़ी? यह विसंगति तो पहले से है। सन 1975 में तानाशाही फैसले करने वाली सरकार भी जबर्दस्त लोकतांत्रिक ज्वार के सहारे उभर कर आई थी। भारत में प्रायः मुसलमानों को मसले को अल्पसंख्यकों का मसला माना जाता है। पर योगी आदित्यनाथ कहते हैं कि जहाँ मुसलमान एक बड़ी तादाद में रहते हैं झगड़े वहाँ होते हैं। इसका दूसरा मतलब यह भी निकलता है कि अल्पसंख्यक जब अपनी हित-रक्षा की बात सोचते हैं और उसके लिए जद्दो-जहद करते हैं तब टकराव होता है। खामोश रहें तो नहीं होता। सवाल यह भी है कि कौन हमें बताता है कि हमारा धर्म खतरे में है? और क्यों बताता है? धर्म की भूमिका हमारे जीवन में कितनी है? भारत में सेक्युलरिज्म की परिभाषा भी अस्पष्ट है।
आउटलुक के विशेषांक के बाद 5 सितम्बर के हिंदू में ज़ोया हसन का एक विचारोत्तेजक लेख प्रकाशित हुआ है। बेहतर हो कि इन लेखों को पढ़कर हम विचार करें कि हमारा लोकतंत्र कैसा हो। इन लेखों के लिंक नीचे दिए हैं। सामग्री पठनीय और विचारणीय है।
Numerocracy
Will the majoritarian project subvert the very democratic tradition that has brought the BJP to power?
SABA NAQVI
Some weeks ago, on a hot, humid evening, there was a book release in Delhi’s Constitution Club, a short walk from Parliament House where the Narendra Modi government was engaged in its first session. Union cabinet minister for micro, small and medium enterprises Kalraj Mishra had written Hindutva: Ek Jeevan Shaili (Hindutva: A Way of Life) in the twilight of his political career. At 73, Mishra—one of the old hands from Uttar Pradesh—is one of the more fortunate 70-plus leaders of the Bharatiya Janata Party to be accommodated in the Modi cabinet. But with 75 being the cut-off mark, he will probably last no more than two years. Good reason for the soft-spoken Mishra to be engaged in philosophical and ideological pursuits.So there he was, flanked by the high priests of the mythical Hindu nation. Master of ceremonies was Yogi Adityanath, four-term BJP MP from Gorakhpur (and next in line to take over the influential Gorakhnath math) plus founder of the Hindu Yuva Vahini. All the speakers basically said that the inconvenient word “secular” does not mean that Hindus have to be shy about their religion. Star speaker Baba Ramdev waxed eloquent: “People ask me, will Modi change anything? I believe he is the individual who will take India to a new direction.” What could that direction be? The yoga guru’s answer: “Maths, science, social system, ecosystem, agricultural system are all there in Hindutva. The Muslims of India have not come from Saudi Arabia, Iran or Iraq. They are from here, from Hindutva. The Christians have not come from Vatican city, they are from here, from Hindutva. Hinduism is the oldest religion, Islam and Christianity cannot match it, and we are all descendants of Hindus.”
Politics without the minorities
We have two parallel narratives running simultaneously in the first 100 days of the Narendra Modi government. In the first one, as a heroic Prime Minister in total command of his government and party, Mr. Modi is busy revving up the sputtering economy with his decisive leadership and “good governance” much acclaimed by economists, the middle classes, the media, and the twitterati. After taking charge, Mr. Modi has been quick in framing rules and taking some strong decisions: from the announcement to scrap the Planning Commission to calling off Foreign Secretary-level talks with Pakistan to clearing 49 per cent foreign direct investment in insurance to launching the Pradhan Mantri Jan Dhan Yojana with a promise to end “financial untouchability.”
The second narrative unfolding at the same time focusses on the template of majoritarianismdefined by the Sangh Parivar’s principal belief that India is a Hindu nation. The Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) chief, Mohan Bhagwat, declared that “India is a Hindu state and citizens of Hindustan should be known as Hindus.” Endorsing the RSS view, the Union Minister for Minority Affairs, Najma Heptulla, said, “there is nothing wrong in calling all Indians Hindus,” which she later denied. A similar statement was made by the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) MP Yogi Adityanath while opening the Lok Sabha debate on communal violence — “Hindutva is a symbol of Indian nationalism.” That this speech evoked table thumping from his fellow BJP MPs makes it even more significant.
